Developing the Conclusion

Scientific studies, including those conducted by sociologists, do not aim to answer all the questions that can be raised about a particular subject. Therefore, the conclusion of a research study represents both an end and a beginning. It termi­nates a specific phase of the investigation, but it should also generate ideas for future study (see Figure 2-2). This is true of the research on the homeless conducted by David Snow, Susan Baker, Leon Anderson, and Michael Martin.

Confirming Hypotheses Sociological studies do not always generate data that confirm the original hypotheses. In many instances, a hypothesis is refuted, and researchers must reformulate their conclusions. Unexpected results may also lead sociologists to reexamine their methodology and make changes in the research design. In the study discussed above, however, the data confirmed the hypothesis: most homeless persons are not men­tally ill. Only 16.2 percent of the homeless men and women included in the Austin, Texas, sam­ple had had contact with a mental health agency and had been diagnosed as having mental health problems. Moreover, as is shown in Figure 2-3 (page 40), only 10.8 percent of the sample had been institutionalized.

Do these results show the homeless to be a group with serious mental problems? The pro­portion of homeless persons who have been insti­tutionalized (10.8 percent) far exceeds the figure

FIGURE 2-2 Scientific Method

Define the problem

Review the literature

Formulate the hypothesis

Select research design Collect and analyze data

Unobtrusive measures

Survey

Participant observation

Develop the conclusion

Ideas for further research

Scientific method allows sociologists to objectively and logically evaluate the facts collected. This can lead to further ideas for sociological research.

of 0.26 percent of all Texas men who have been institutionalized in mental hospitals. Neverthe­less, the results of this study do not begin to ap­proach the common media estimates that one-third to three-quarters of the homeless are men­tally ill. In view of the data developed in the Austin study, the researchers conclude that the "linkage between homelessness and mental illness has been overstated" (Snow et al., 1986:421).

Controlling for Other Factors The characteris­tics of the homeless are additional variables used in the study, known as control variables. A control variable is a factor held constant to test the rela­tive impact of the independent variable. Earlier, we noted that family income has an important influence on the relationship between mothers working outside the home and the likelihood that their children will come to be viewed as delin­quents. If researchers had not introduced the control variable of family income, they might

CHAPTER TWO ♦ METHODS OF SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH

FIGURE 2-3 Homelessness and Mental Illness: Comparison of Image and Reality

_] Nonimpaired homeless Mentally ill homeless-minimum estimate Mentally ill & homeless— maximum estimate

Austin, Texas, study of the homeless 10.8% I___ | Nonimpaired homeless

Homeless with history of institutionalization

^Mentally ill homeless &

Media image

16.2%

N = 767

source: Snow et al., 1986:414.

As this figure shows, there is a sharp contrast between the media image of the proportion of homeless Americans who are mentally ill and the findings of the study in Austin, Texas. According to media estimates, anywhere from 1/3 to 3/4 of the homeless are mentally ill. However, the Austin data suggest that only 16.2 percent of that city's homeless persons are mentally ill and only 10.8 percent have a history of institutionalization.

have reached a misleading conclusion concerning the effects of mothers' working outside the home. In terms of homelessness and mental illness, age and marital status may have an important in­fluence on whether a person comes to the atten­tion of an agency and is subsequently diagnosed as mentally ill. Socially isolated people, such as single persons and the elderly, may be less likely

to be dealt with in "private" by family or friends. However, when the Austin, Texas, sample was examined for such factors, comparisons between the mentally ill homeless, the nonimpaired home­less, and the state's hospitalized population were not found to be dramatically different in terms of age or marital status.

The findings of the Austin study can be ex­pected to contribute to the questioning of the presumed relationship between homelessness and mental illness. Indeed, the researchers con­clude that the typical homeless person is a "psy-chiatrically non-impaired individual trapped in a cycle of low-paying, dead-end jobs which fail to provide the financial wherewithal to get off and stay off the streets" (Snow et al., 1986:421). With this finding in mind, greater attention may be given to the structural problems of society that contribute to homelessness, including unemploy­ment and the inadequate supply of low-cost hous­ing. While Snow and his colleagues may have undertaken this research study as basic sociologi­cal inquiry, the implications are evident for ap­plied sociology. If the homeless are not typically mentally dysfunctional—if they are merely trapped in economic conditions that lead to pov­erty and despair—then policymakers must begin to address the issue of homelessness in a very dif­ferent manner.

An in-depth study of homeless families by soci­ologist Kay Young McChesney, director of the Homeless Families Project at the University of Southern California, generated similar findings. McChesney and her research team interviewed 87 mothers of children under the age of 18 who were temporarily living in five Los Angeles County shelters. "These women are not crazy," says McChesney; "they aren't substance abusers, either." Instead, she argues that the primary cause of contemporary homelessness is the des­perate shortage of reasonably priced housing. "More low-cost housing must be provided," she concludes, "if we are to stem the rising tide of homelessness" (Society, 1987:4).

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