|
Читайте также: |
Q: Don't you think that Russia has so many PR specialists nowadays that you have to find jobs for them or so few that your agency on the contrary has to help employers look for them?
А: Сегодня в трудоустройстве PR-специалистовпроисходит примерно то же, что лет 5-6 назад было, скажем, у юристов. Мода на профессию привела к тому, что количество людей, которые хотят ею заниматься, растет быстрее, чем появляются вакантные места. Это первое. Второе — последние года два мне часто звонят знакомые, знакомые знакомых, родственники знакомых с просьбой взять на работу, помочь трудоустроиться и найти что-нибудь в области PR. С другой стороны, ко мне обращаются и друзья с просьбой подыскать специалистов PR. Вот я и подумал, что пора все это систематизировать.
Q: What are your customers? How do you deal with them? What specialists are you particularly interested in at present?
А: Студентов трудоустраивать пока не будем. Нам интересны специалисты средней и высшей категории. Их количество не так велико. Если сказать честно, то их, к сожалению, крайне мало. Нам нужны люди с большим и вполне определенным опытом работы. Рынок специалистов high class исчисляется десятками. И большая часть из них прекрасно трудоустроена.
Q: And what guarantees can you offer to clients?
A. В какой-то степени я отвечаю за человека, которого предлагаю, и за работодателя. Как правило, я работаю не просто с компаниями со стороны, а с теми, кто давно сотрудничает со структурами, мне принадлежащими. Так что откровенную туфту (ср. fake, phoney) предлагать не будем.
Q: And what about the ones with hidden drawbacks, appearances are deceptive, aren't they? А: Сбои случаются у всех. Полные гарантии могут быть только на кладбище. По крайней мере те, кому мы помогли, не жалуются. Если только на то, что работы много.
Q: What do you intend to undertake when all specialists are eventually placed (трудоустроены)?
А: Будем пытаться готовить новых специалистов, поднимать их до достойного уровня. Хотя это трудно. Сегодня основная проблема на рынке — серьезная нехватка специалистов на уровне вице-президентов компаний, руководителей департаментов. Еще лет 5—7 назад на эти должности назначали в основном друзей и подруг, которые были очаровательными и милыми, но мало что смыслили в этом ремесле. Сейчас подход изменился.
Q: What are the prospects in the trade? Do you really think your company faces a bright future?
А: Нормальные. Это не что-то колоссальное, не безумный проект, который принесет огромные деньги. Для меня это — желание помочь тем, кто хочет найти работу, с одной стороны, и тем, кто их ищет, с другой. Я бы сказал, это сочетание альтруизма с обычной коммерческой выгодой.
7.ТЕКСТЫ С ПАРАЛЛЕЛЬНЫМ ПЕРЕВОДОМ
| Sports Tradegy Вечером 20 октября 1982 года "Спартак" играл в 1/16 Кубка УЕФА с голландским клубом "Haarlem". "Спартак" одержал убедительную победу со счетом 5:1 по итогам двух игр, однако в тот день произошла самая большая катастрофа в истории российского футбола. В 1982 году зима в России началась очень рано, и ступеньки восточного сектора стадиона имени Ленина были сильно обледенелыми. Так как на игру пришли не более 15000 болельщиков "Спартака" и около сотни самых закаленных голландцев, руководство стадиона решило разместить их всех в одном секторе. Все остальные трибуны были свободны и покрыты нетронутым снегом. Именно это решение и стало причиной катастрофы. Официально в давке погибли 66 болельщиков, однако, судя по данным проведенных позднее расследований и по показаниям очевидцев, количество погибших составляет около 350 человек. На следующий день в газете "Вечерняя Москва" после отчета о матче была размещена короткая невнятная заметка: "Вчера в Лужниках произошел несчастный случай. После футбольного матча пострадали несколько зрителей". И ни слова больше. Ни в этот день, ни на следующий, ни на следующей неделе, ни в следующем году. Как говорят некоторые родственники погибших, тела были вывезены очень быстро. На прощание семьям было выделено всего 40 минут, после чего всех погибших похоронили в общей могиле. Некоторые из родственников рассказывают, что милиция предупредила их о том, чтобы они не рассказывали о трагедии - особенно иностранцам - грозя в противном случае арестами. В 1992 году, когда коммунизм уже рухнул и Советский Союз распался на 15 независимых государств, болельщики "Спартака" собрали деньги на скромный памятник, который был возведен на выходе из тоннеля, в котором произошла трагедия. Приезжающие в Москву футбольные болельщики, узнав об этих событиях, часто оставляют у подножия памятника красные гвоздики. И цветов у памятника гораздо больше, чем у огромной статуи основателя советского государства Владимира Ильича Ленина, встречающей зрителей у входа на стадион, носивший когда-то имя Ленина. | Спортивная трагедия On the evening of 20 October 1982 Spartak were playing Dutch club Haarlem for a place in the last 16 of the Uefa Cup. They would win the match on the way to a 5-1 aggregate victory, but it was also the night on which the greatest disaster in the history of Russian football took place. The Russian winter set in early in 1982, making the stone steps of the East Sector of the Lenin Stadium extremely icy. Since no more than 15,000 Spartak fans and a hundred or so hardy Dutch spectators had come to the match, the stadium authorities crammed them into a single section of the ground, leaving terraces of the remaining three-quarters of the stadium empty and pristinely snowy-white. It was to prove a fateful decision. Officially, 66 fans lost their lives, crushed to death, but several subsequent investigations and eyewitnesses put the death toll closer to 350. The next day Moscow's evening paper Vechernaya Moskva contained a short cryptic note following its match report: 'An incident occurred yesterday in Luzhniki. After the football match, some spectators were injured.' No more. Not that day, not the next, nor the next week, next month, next year. According to the testimony of some of the victims' relatives, the bodies were removed as quickly as possible and the families given no more than 40 minutes to pay their last respects before the dead were buried in a mass funeral. Some relatives claimed that the police had warned them not to speak of the tragedy - especially to foreigners - on pain of imprisonment. In 1992, when communism had fallen in the Soviet Union and it had splintered into 15 independent nations, Spartak fans clubbed together to pay for a modest monument that was erected outside the tunnel in which so many had died. Football fans visiting Moscow, on learning of the story, often left red carnations at the foot of the obelisk. It certainly attracts far more floral tributes than the giant statue to Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, founder of the Soviet state, which welcomes spectators to the once-Lenin, now Olympic, Stadium. |
8.ARTICLE
Russia Rushes backward
History will show December 2010 exploded with gang warfare in the streets of Moscow and with similar outbreaks in St. Petersburg, Rostov-on-Don and even the southern city of Krasnodar. All observers agreed that the battles involving thousands of young men, ages 15-30, were ethnic-based. And that is only part of the story.
The police estimated six thousand youths in total clashed within a stone's throw of the Kremlin on Manezh Square. From the beginning the motives of the various groups involved were confused. Football club partisans mixed with ethnic Slavs battled North Caucasus immigrants and other groups smashing each other with all manner of weapons from scrap pipe and lumber to costly imported aluminum American baseball bats. Thirty rioters were hospitalized, though there is general agreement that hundreds were injured. One man was confirmed killed by stabbing. Ultimately the police reportedly arrested more than 1,300 people.
Ordinary Muscovites were appalled, though not at all surprised, at the bloody street warfare. The police apparently had no set plan on how to handle the situation, although there have been numerous claims that the authorities clearly favored the far right nationalist groups. Perhaps the key to police reaction and alignment is the fact that many of its members had fought in Chechnya and instinctively are against the Caucasian minority living in Moscow and environs. At least that's one of the theories currently espoused by Moscow's journalist community.
Moscow always has produced provocative theories on why things exist as they do. In the instance of riots that supposedly began in reaction to the shooting death of an FC Spartak football fan, Yegor Sviridov, the dominant theme has been the racial division of Russian football (soccer) supporters. Initially the violence pitted nationalist right-wing Slavs against mostly Chechen fans of FC Spartak's rivals. Soon the conflict was expanded to right-wing nationalists, including neo-Nazi skinheads, with Caucasian and Central Asia immigrants on the other side.
The political rumor mill went into action and the results were extraordinary. The tale that seemed to attract most foreign observers was one in which PM Vladimir Putin had encouraged the entire outbreak of violence in order to prove to the public how much he was needed to enforce law and order. This story since has been linked to the suggestion that hooligans have been recruited and paid by the government security components to provide the ability to counter "unauthorized " demonstrations such as those recently of environmentalists. (See my December 17 column, "Corruption and Leadership in Russia.")
President Dmitry Medvedev uncharacteristically entered the fray early on by blaming the race-based riots on investigators who'd released suspects in the shooting of Yegor Sviridov. "Why did [the investigators do this? Were they afraid? Was it for money?" Medvedev was quoted by the Russian News and Information Agency (RIA Novosti). "All those who killed the fan should be identified and imprisoned," he added. A very strong statement -- except the people Medvedev called upon to arrest the individuals who let the suspected perpetrators go were in fact the same people -- the Moscow police.
To this confusion has been added the recognition of, as the Financial Times put it, "… a Kremlin-backed political movement designed to control the streets and prevent a confrontation with democratic political forces in the wake of the 'Rose' and 'Orange' revolutions of Georgia and Ukraine." Apparently the current Russian regime is fearful that it might be overthrown by street democracy and expects to use their organized bullyboys to sweep away such demonstrations. This perhaps is considered less brutal than using the militia. Logical? Only if viewed from behind the Kremlin walls.
The youths that make up one of these organizations, "Nashi," are drawn from football hooligans and skinheads who respond favorably to right-wing rhetoric and violence for so-called sport. Another organization of an even more racist orientation is "Russian Image." It held an openly neo-Nazi "Russian March" with official permission in late 2009. These are supposed to be defenders of Russian nationalism. They could not exist without government sanction in some form.
There appears to be a direct correlation between Putin's tough guy image and the respect for his leadership given by racist Russian youth gangs. From an operational standpoint it is impressive that these organizations have the ability on relatively short notice to pull together thousands of supporters and bring them into the streets of central Moscow and other major cities. That these gangs hold Vladimir Putin as their idol says a great deal about the way the current prime minister and former president has used Slavic ultra-nationalism in the consolidation of his personal power. To overlook Putin's totalitarian inclination, is to disregard reality. At this stage it is hard to tell if one is dealing with Moscow of 2011 or Munich of 1933.
9.VOCABULARY
10.WRITTEN TRANSLATION
Дата добавления: 2015-11-14; просмотров: 70 | Нарушение авторских прав
| <== предыдущая страница | | | следующая страница ==> |
| Не меняя режима работы, выполните устный перевод. | | | Прослушайте текст. Сделайте письменный перевод с опорой на текст, потратив не более 20 минут. |