War and peace

"The American Catholic Church has made a striking change in its historic attitude toward war."

By Paul Bock

Cardinal Bernardin: "If you take a strong stand against abortion as the unjust taking of human life, then you cannot remain indifferent to nuclear warfare."

I

N May, 1983, the National Con­ference of Catholic Bishops met in Chicago and, after making some re­visions, they adopted the final draft of the "Pastoral Letter on War, Armaments and Peace." The second draft discussed by the bishops in November, 1982, in Washington, D.C., aroused an incredible amount of public attention, and many people waited with eagerness to see what the final draft would say.

Although some of the forthright statements of the second draft were toned down, the final document still breaks new ground, taking positions that are quite different from earlier American Catholic statements on war. It states that massive retaliation on populated areas should never be allowed; that there should be a halt in the testing, production, and de­ployment of new nuclear weapons systems; that a "first-strike" policy must be challenged; that a limited nuclear war is not likely to stay limit-

Dr. Bock Associate Religion Editor of USA Today, is associate professor of religion. Doane College, Crete, Neb

ed; that vigorous steps should be taken toward multilateral disarma­ment; and that serious questions must be raised about the morality of deterrence.

Consistent with their heritage, the bishops worked extensively with the "just war" theory which has been the prevailing view in Catholic thought on war since Augustine developed it around 400 A.D., thereby departing from the pacifist view which was dom­inant during the first three centuries of the church's history. The just war theory states that a war may be justi­fied only if it meets certain condi­tions: it must be a last resort; it must be declared by a proper govern­mental authority; there must be a just cause such as defense against aggression; it must be fought with the right attitude (no revenge); it must be carried on with discrimina­tion — aiming at military and not civilian targets; and it must follow the principle of proportionality -that is, it must do more good than harm. Although often used in the past to justify particular wars, the theory is now being used to challenge military policies. The bishops drew

heavily on the principles of discri­mination and proportionality — nuclear war would not discriminate between military and civilian person­nel, and it certainly would not do more good than harm.

There are several very remarkable things about the pastoral letter and the procedure followed in developing it. First of all, it is amazing to see how much public attention it re­ceived, especially from the govern­ment. It is hard to remember an occasion when a church document aroused such interest, as reflected in the cover-page story in Time maga­zine. Nor can one remember an occasion when the government felt so challenged by a church document as to cause it to intervene in the development of the statement. Na­tional Security Advisor William P. Clark sent a seven-page letter to the bishops, saying that, in its second draft, the pastoral letter reflected a misunderstanding of government policy in regard to the bombing of populated areas. Something is hap­pening when the government seeks to defend its morality to church leaders.

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3. continued

Second, there is something quite unusual about the procedure used in drafting the document — namely, the wide consultation. Extensive hearings were held and experts were invited to testify. These included top gov­ernment officials as well as theolo­gians, and the theologians included Protestants as well as Catholics. Footnotes to the letter include Prot­estant authorities on war and peace, and among them is a Mennonite. Each draft took into account sugges­tions received through the mail - of which there were many — as well as those made at meetings and hearings. The Catholic bishops have never engaged in so much consultation be­fore, and the procedure followed may set a pattern for the future.

Third, there is something special about the style of the letter. It does

not command obedience or dictate what is right. It should be pointed out that the letter has two audiences - American Roman Catholics and the public. However, even in ad­dressing the Roman Catholics, it does not command, but rather invites the faithful to think with the bishops on the issues raised. One reason for this approach is that there is no authori­tative teaching on some aspects of nuclear deterrence, whereas there is on subjects such as abortion. Essen­tially, the bishops are saying, "Come let us reason together. Are not the current government policies in viola­tion of the Catholic teaching on the just war?"

Fourth, it is apparent that the American Catholic Church has made a striking change in its historic atti­tude toward war. In American his-

tory, Catholics have often been superpatriotic in wartime. This is partly because, as late immigrants suspected of having beliefs incom­patible with democracy, they felt a need to prove how loyal they were. An example of superpatriotism is Francis Cardinal Spellman being photographed behind a machine gun in Vietnam and being quoted as say­ing. "My country, right or wrong." A very specific example of the changed outlook is seen in the atten­tion given in this document to the pacifist position. It is only since Vatican II that the Roman Catholic Church has regarded conscientious objection as a valid position. Before that, only the just war view was rec­ognized....

Augustine, Saint (354—430): early Christian Church father and author.

Mennonite: member of an Evangelical Protestant Christian sect opposed to taking oaths, holding public office, or performing military service.

220 AMERICA IN CLOSE-UP

RELIGION

Power, Glory —And Politics

Right-wing preachers dominate the dial

I

T WAS PART POLITICAL caucus, part camp meeting, part trade show — and all barn burner. As the crowds of 4,000 milled through the Sheraton Washington Hotel in the nation's capital last week, Gospel singers crooned, video-equip­ment salesmen hawked their wares, and media consultants prowled the meeting rooms for new talent. Dozens of Senators and Congressmen made it their business to turn out for the cameras and lights, cementing alliances and buffing up images. Jeane Kirkpatrick and Jesse Jackson were there. President Reagan, appropriate­ly, sent a message on videotape.

The occasion was the convention of the National Religious Broadcasters. This is a group whose most resonant names - and recognizable faces - are the televangelists, the stars of the elec­tronic church, the pastors of "Pray TV." And at one session after another, cheered on by such honored elders of the field as Billy Graham and Oral Roberts, these powerhouse preachers strutted their stuff. Jimmy Swaggart roared that the Supreme Court is "an institution damned by God Almighty" for allowing abortions. Jerry Falwell argued that "theologically, any Chris­tian has to support Israel, simply be­cause Jesus said to." Even White House Communications Director Pat­rick Buchanan drew audience cries of "Amen!" and "Praise the Lord!" when he exhorted Republicans to "tap into the spiritual revival that is going in the country."

Pat Robertson

If Buchanan sounded downright evangelical for a politician, one evan­gelist in particular sounded mighty like a politician. He was Marion Gordon ("Pat") Robertson, 55, head

of the Christian Broadcasting Network and a fixture on CBN's four-times-a-day The 700 Club. Robertson, a Southern Baptist, has been transmit­ting signals that he might join the race

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RATING THE REVERENDS

4. continued

for the Republican nomination to succeed Reagan. Political pros are un­certain how big a factor he could be in the primaries, let alone the conven­tion, but they are convinced that he could energize the Christian right and siphon votes from other candidates. True believers are tingling at the pros­pect. As Robertson in 1988 buttons blossomed, the amiable Virginian took the N.R.B. platform to denounce the evils of abortion, homosexuality and school violence, all to be overcome by a flood tide of moral regeneration. "We are going to see a change in this nation," he promised his listeners, "and you are going to be a part of it." Perhaps they are already. Preachers like Robertson command audiences that form, if not a true Moral Majority, at least several potent and readily mobilized minorities. Robertson's fol­lowing provides much of CBN's $233 million annual income. In a year, viewers of The 700 Club log 4 million prayer calls to 4,500 volunteers man­ning telephone banks in 60 counseling centers. Such motivated constituen­cies can - and do - bestow blessings aplenty, in the form of money and votes, upon candidates who win their favor.

The fact that a Robertson is even a potential candidate confirms the ex­traordinary power and influence amassed in the past decade by the shrewd, colorful headliners of Gospel TV. While impressing some as shallow and vulgar popularizers, they bring real inspiration and solace to others. Their past struggles in low-paid Gospel circuits bespeak a deep com­mitment, whatever skepticism might be aroused by their present enjoyment of stardom's rewards. They have changed the face of television; they may be gradually altering the very nature of American Christianity....

Dynamic and high-profile achie­vers, every one, yet none of these preachers can compare to Robertson as a TV entrepreneur. Robertson pioneered the first religious TV sta­tion, the first religious network and the first Christian programming to use a talk-show format, as well as a number of now widely imitated viewer-response and fund-raising techniques. He was also the first Christian broadcaster to sign up commercial sponsors, a development that appears to be the trend of the 1980s. His 24-hour CBN network reaches 30 million subscribers, making it not only the largest Chris­tian cable operation but the fifth largest of any kind...

TV households

reached per month,

in millions

Frequency of TV show

Pat Robertson	daily	16.3
Jimmy Swaggart	weekly	9.3
Robert Schuller	weekly	7.6
Jim Bakker	daily	5.8
Oral Roberts	weekly	5.8
Jerry Falwell	weekly	5.6

CBN's viewership has tripled since 1981, when Robertson switched from an all-religion schedule to a family entertainment approach, combining Christian shows with wholesome reruns {Flipper, Father Knows Best), westerns, old movies and game shows. Two weeks ago the network premiered CBN News Tonight, a regular evening newscast produced in Washington, with special emphasis on right-wing issues...

During the programs, 800 numbers continually flash onscreen, encourag­ing viewers to phone in their requests, comments, prayers or pledges...

222 AMERICA IN CLOSE-UP

SCHOOL PRAYER

National Religious Broadcasters

President Reagan's remarks at the Association's Annual Convention, January 31, 1983

... I've always believed that this blessed land was set apart in a special way, that some divine plan placed this great continent here between the two oceans to be found by people from every corner of the Earth — people who had a special love for freedom and the courage to uproot themselves, leave their homeland and friends to come to a strange land. And, when coming here, they created some­thing new in all the history of mankind — a country where man is not beholden to government, government is beholden to man.

I happen to believe that one way to promote, indeed, to preserve those traditional values we share is by permitting our children to begin their days the same way the Members of the United States Congress do — with prayer. The public expression of our faith in God, through prayer, is funda­mental — as a part of our American heritage and a

privilege which should not be excluded from our schools.

No one must be forced or pressured to take part in any religious exercise. But neither should the freest country on Earth ever have permitted God to be expelled from the classroom. When the Supreme Court ruled that school prayer was unconstitutional almost 21 years ago, I believe it ruled wrong. And when a lower court recently stopped Lubbock, Texas, high school students from even holding vol­untary prayer meetings on the campus before or after class, it ruled wrong, too.

Our only hope for tomorrow is in the faces of our children. And we know Jesus said, "Suffer the little children to come unto me, and forbid them not, for such is the kingdom of God." Well, last year we tried to pass an amendment that would allow com­munities to determine for themselves whether vol­untary prayer should be permitted in their public schools. And we failed. But I want you to know something: I'm determined to bring that amendment back again and again and again and again, until — [applause] —...

part C Exercises

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