Europe and Central Asia, 1990–2004

Some of the trends and motivations for migration in the Europe and

Central Asia (ECA) region are similar to those found elsewhere in the

world. However, many of the migration movements that have taken

place since 1990 are unique to the region, given the circumstances of

economic transition, political and social liberalization, and the

breakup of three federal states. Figure 1.1 shows how the factors

influencing migration have changed from the communist period to

the present. This chapter provides an overview of some of the main

migration trends that have taken place across the region over the past

15 years, with a focus on international movements among countries.

Migration in the ECA region is both large by international standards

and unique in that the region is both a major receiver and

sender of migrants. Figure 1.2 exhibits the ECA region and selected

ECA countries in terms of their shares of foreign-born populations.

Excluding movements between industrial countries, ECA accounts

for over one-third of world emigration and immigration. There are 35

million foreign-born residents in ECA countries, including 13 million

in the Russian Federation, 7 million in Ukraine, 3 million in Kazakhstan,

3 million in Poland, and 1.5 million in Turkey. Furthermore,

several ECA countries are among the top 10 sending and receiving

countries of migrants worldwide. Russia is home to the second largest

number of migrants in the world after the United States; Ukraine is fourth after Germany; and Kazakhstan and Poland are respectively

ninth and tenth.

Migration patterns in the region follow a broad biaxial pattern: on

one axis a migration system developed among the countries of Western,

Central, and Eastern Europe and on the other a system of movement

arose among the countries of the Commonwealth of

Independent States (CIS). However, this system is not exclusively bipolar.

Though the majority of migrants from Central and Eastern

European countries move into Western Europe, the same is true for

many migrants from the poorer CIS economies, particularly Moldova.

While the majority of migrants from Central Asia travel to the

resource-rich CIS countries (particularly Russia and Kazakhstan)

many move west in search of higher earnings, toward the European

Union (EU) and Turkey.

However, there was considerable migration among the states of

the former Soviet Union. In 1989, there were 28 million persons who

were residing in a republic other than the one in which they were

born. This figure amounted to 9.8 percent of the Soviet population,

which should be regarded as the number of “statistical migrants” that

were created by the breakup of the Soviet Union, greatly contributing

to the increase in the world stock of migrants. The bulk of these individuals

were in the three Slavic states, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan.

In percentage terms, the countries with the largest migrant stock populations

were Estonia, Latvia, and Kazakhstan. All of these countries

were prime destinations for Russian and Russian-speaking migrants

during the period after World War II.

Article: Migration and Development: Creating regional labour market and labour migrants circulation as response to regional market demands

Authors: Tanja Pavlov

Vladimir Grečić

Vladimir Petronijević

Source: http://www.keepandshare.com/doc/3138727/migration-and-development-3-2-meg?dn=y

Historically speaking, in the nineteenth and early twentieth century, migrants all over the world, including south Slavic countries, were treated as a resource

that contributed to the development of both the country of origin and the country of reception. In the last quarter of the twentieth century, migrants from less

developed countries were considered a burden and a problem in developed countries and their status started to be intensively regulated. Strict immigration

control has thus become the dominant modality of these regulations. Liberalisation started spreading globally in the domain of capital, goods and services

flow but not in the domain of geographic mobility of labour force. The contemporary international political and economic institutions and regimes do not

provide sufficient space and initiative for negotiations on the labour force mobility and remittance flows.

This paper will serve as a reminder on the development potential of migration and migrants, particularly on two components – their possibility to meet the

labour market requirements and remittances. Our wish is also to examine this potential through the regional perspective.

Serbia is traditionally emigration country. It is estimated that the Serbian diaspora encompasses three and a half million people. The first emigration from the

territory of former Yugoslavia was focused on cross ocean countries, such as America and Australia. However, the intensity of economic emigration to

countries of Western Europe increased between the two world wars. It was not until the mid sixties that emigration of SFRY citizens to developed European

countries had become substantial, and even more so at the end of that decade.. During the seventies however, emigration of highly educated people from

Yugoslavia became significant and with the economic crisis at the beginning of the eighties, the emigration dynamics of educated people from Yugoslavia

accelerated. The events during the nineties of the last century accelerated emigration from this region, primarily the civil wars in the former Yugoslav republics

– Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia, as well as in Kosovo and Metohija, international isolation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia caused by the

sanctions introduced by the UN Security Council, three-month period of the NATO bombing in 1999 and drastic fall in living standards of people which led to

soaring poverty. According to the latest population census of 2002, 414,839 citizens of the Republic of Serbia were abroad, working for foreign employers or

independently, together with their family members, predominantly in Germany, Austria and Switzerland and France. However, with the development of the

neighbouring countries and their association to the EU, these countries have also become appealing for emigration, due to their geographical vicinity and

similar languages and culture and their already developed social network.

Serbian diaspora, with 4.9 million dollar remittances, is among 19 countries with the larger amount of remittances from abroad. The importance of these

remittances is related to the improvement of living conditions of remittance recipient and the entire country as a source of foreign exchange and investment.

Furthermore, through its recovery from the past unpleasant events – wars and sanctions, and on its way to the European Union, Serbia has become

interesting as an immigration country. In Serbia, the number of open vacancies increases each year and in spite of the rise of these vacancies remain open

– on average 60,000-65,000 a year. Moreover, having in mind the existing projections on the decrease of working age population in Serbia, the instigation of

labour immigration should be considered. The total number of aliens with permanent residence in the Republic of Serbia in 2006 was 4,781, and in 2007 –

5,177. The total number of aliens with temporary residence in Serbia in 2006 was 16,556, and 2007 – 16, 249. Aliens file requests for temporary residence

mainly on grounds of marriage or work. Along with the Chinese, the majority of them come from Romania, Macedonia and BIH, the countries from the region.

According to the National Employment Service data related to the issuance of work permits in the last three years, around 1,000 to 1,700 aliens have been

issued work permits in Serbia, mostly to citizens of Macedonia and BiH, followed by Romania and Bulgaria.

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