Hybrid systems

In some countries, the majoritarian and proportional systems are combined into what are called mixed-member proportional or additional-members systems. Although there are a number of variants, all mixed-member proportional systems elect some representatives by proportional representation and the remainder by a nonproportional formula. The classic example of the hybrid system is the German Bundestag, which combines the personal link between representatives and voters with proportionality. The German constitution provides for the election of half the country’s parliamentarians by proportional representation and half by simple plurality voting in single-member constituencies. Each voter casts two ballots. The first vote (Erstimme) is cast for an individual to represent a constituency (Wahlkreise); the candidate receiving the most votes wins the election. The second vote (Zweitstimme) is cast for a regional party list. The results of the second vote determine the overall political complexion of the Bundestag. All parties that receive at least 5 percent of the national vote—or win at least three constituencies—are allocated seats on the basis of the percentage of votes that they receive. The votes of parties not receiving representation are reapportioned to the larger parties on the basis of their share of the vote. During the 1990s, a number of countries adopted variants of the German system, including Italy, Japan, New Zealand, and several eastern European countries (e.g., Hungary, Russia, and Ukraine). A hybrid system also was adopted by the British government for devolved assemblies in Scotland and Wales. One of the chief differences between mixed-member systems is the percentage of seats allocated by proportional and majoritarian methods. For example, in Italy and Japan, respectively, roughly three-fourths and three-fifths of all seats are apportioned through constituency elections.

A country’s choice of electoral system, like its conception of representation, generally reflects its particular cultural, social, historical, and political circumstances. Majority or plural methods of voting are most likely to be acceptable in relatively stable political cultures. In such cultures, fluctuations in electoral support from one election to the next reduce polarization and encourage political centrism. Thus, the “winner take all” implications of the majority or plurality formulas are not experienced as unduly deprivational or restrictive. In contrast, proportional representation is more likely to be found in societies with traditional ethnic, linguistic, and religious cleavages or in societies that have experienced class and ideological conflicts.

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