The Underground Community

The shtetl was horror stricken. There was fear that a new catastrophe might arrive at any moment. The population of Skalat had already heard of the Lwow evacuation 'action' and its 50,000 victims as well as the 'actions,' in other cities such as Tarnopol, Mikulince, Trembowle and Czortkow with their own slaughters. Everyone tried to devise a means of rescuing oneself and one's family before the inevitable next 'action.' Everyone made every effort to be as prepared as possible.

In Skalat, as everywhere else, there was mass hysteria to devise hiding places, the so-called “bunkers.” Jews became master-builders and engineers. They racked their brains, night and day. To find ways to make their hiding places inconspicuous and well-camouflaged. A subterranean world began to emerge under floors, in cellars and in gardens. Tunnels were dug and narrow passages, connecting cellars of the attached row houses, spread in every direction. Some of the hiding places were truly marvels of construction, including some that were built to fifteen meters below ground with provisions made for such essentials as air ventilation, water, toilets, brick storage areas, etc. Necessity awakened dormant talents in the art of construction. That sort of “engineer”, however, would also be a craftsman, a brick-layer, and a common laborer. For the most part, these “specialists” built bunkers for the more affluent homeowners at high fees. Sand, lime, bricks, boards and other building materials became scare. Trade in these items grew frantic and prices soared.

A major problem for the Jews building bunkers was the excavated earth, which, more than once, betrayed the fact that there was an underground bunker. Where could the Jews dispose of wagonloads of dirt? The construction took place at night and upon arising in the morning, anyone could tell that a new bunker had been built nearby. To remove the tell-tale signs, people would work unceasingly and during the following nights, carry the earth in baskets or sacks, as far as possible outside the town.

The members of the Judenrat and their families came to realize that they, too, were in great danger. In other cities, many Judenrat members had been hanged for failing to carry out German orders properly. Thus their situation was obviously hopeless and preparations had to be made just in case. Because they had large amounts of money, each built virtual fortresses, equipped with various comforts and with storage rooms like Pithoms and Ramesese, crammed with provisions and beverages.

Skalat was a magnet for frightened Jews, because it was believed to be relatively safe. The stream of refugees from the surrounding towns and villages added to the housing shortage and worsened living conditions. Every house and each apartment was overcrowded and the crowding led to a lack of cleanliness and hygiene. Vermin proliferated. At night the Jews posted guards near their houses to alert them if anything happened in town. Every accidental noise, the barking of a dog, the stumbling of a drunk somewhere, not to mention a shot, sufficed to alarm and rouse an entire household to its feet. The slightest sound assaulted the nerves. People slept fully dressed so as to be ready to run instantly. Many people slept in bunkers, some spent the nights with Gentile friends, and others in fields. So the Jews passed their days in mortal fear.

Fear grew intense when it was learned that the Tarnopol Gestapo had ordered the surrounding towns and villages to become Judenrein. ^[44] All Jews were to leave their dwellings and move to Skalat. A deadline was set for 15 October 1942. The Jews saw this as an evil omen: a sign that something was about to happen. The Germans, it appeared, were bring the Jews to Skalat for the “Feast Day”^[45] - some said, in jest, to make sure that everyone was present for the “slaughter-fair.”

For two weeks, caravans of displaced Jews streamed into Skalat and the roads were clogged with horse-drawn wagons, piled high with domestic goods and belongings. The wagons were followed by

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pedestrians, sweaty, grimy and exhausted. As the deadline approached, the migration reached its high point and the appearance of the caravans grew more awesome. Some 4,000 Jews came to Skalat from Grzymalow, Podwoloczyska and the surrounding villages, all of them long-time dwellers, driven from their homes. The housing shortage and overcrowding became unbearable. People actually lived in the streets. Those who were better off among the newcomers were able to rent quarters from Gentiles, paying huge sums of money. Most found shelter with relatives, or simply with other Jews who wanted to help people in the midst of such turmoil. Twelve to eighteen people were crammed into small dwellings, like herring in a barrel. Hundreds of Jews made living quarters for themselves in the stalls of the bazaar, which had been left empty, robbed and ruined, after the first pogrom. Many also lived in the shul s, in the Houses of Study and small prayer-houses.

The sudden addition of thousands of people changed the appearance of the shtetl beyond recognition. Hunger and poverty reigned. It was impossible to provide for so large a population. Inflation and the black market grew. Diseases spread and the mortality rate escalated. Not a day passed without an increase in the number of deaths. Charitable Jews, among the wealthier, helped significantly. Among many others, we must mention Tennenbaum of blessed memory, who helped the poor with a generous hand and at the risk of his own life. Much is told of his gentleness and of his good deeds. The Hasidic followers of the Rabbi of Kopyczince honored their leader's memory by sending food parcels to his son-in-law in Tarnopol.

However, panic and nightmarish fear continued unabated. Then, in mid-October of 1942, the order was issued to establish the ghetto All the Jews were to be squeezed into the few small streets between the marketplace and the shul.

The Judenrat had its hands full and was unable to deal with the new situation. The members were in constant consultations: mainly about a pending new catastrophe, whose arrival was almost palpable.

“What is to be done?” The question tortured everyone unmercifully. “What is to be done? What can be done?”

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9. “Jews, Do Not Worry”

One day the Judenrat held an urgent meeting. After much discussion and argument two opinions emerged.

Some councilmen, the more decent and conscience-stricken, argued for letting fate take its course: “As God wills, so let it be, but Jews themselves should not participate in the 'actions.' Let all who can, hide; no other course is open to us.” For the record, let us state that there were some councilmen, among them Dr. Izydor Kron, Dr. Berkowicz, and Yankif Sharf, who could not back the shameful actions of the majority and who opposed their colleagues on all vital issues. It must also be said that at the beginning, none of them could have imagined that the Judenrat would become a tool in the hands of the Germans. Once mired in that evil, however, and although fighting with all their might, they were unable to extricate themselves from the vipers' nest. Initially it seemed to everyone that the Judenrat members were not in as great a danger, but now survival became the supreme preoccupation, even for them. Faced with the real possibility of death, survival by any means was a temptation not easily avoided, although it cannot justify the sins that were committed. The so-called “opposition” was determined not to permit a repetition of the methods used by the Judenrat during the “Live Contingent” 'action.' “Not only must we not carry out an 'action,' but we dare not assist the Germans in the slightest way,” they argued. Their position was: hiding and escaping wherever possible is the watchword of this tragic hour.

The other side took quite a different approach. Eliezer Schoenberg and his hangers-on demanded, categorically, that, as had happened in the earlier 'action,' an agreement should be struck with the German authorities allowing the Judenrat to conduct future 'actions,' on its own and to deliver the assigned quota, thereby at least saving themselves, their families, relatives and many other younger and “more useful” people. Therefore, they argued, the Judenrat must make the effort to collect another large sum of money. Councilman Schoenberg gave his assurance that, should the Gestapo agree to a contingent of, say: 2,000 people, he would undertake to supply 1,000. “We have enough people to spare,” he claimed. “We won't need to take any of our local people: the town is full of ragged newcomers, who are sleeping in the bazaar and dying of hunger anyway.”

Following a stormy debate, this proposal was adopted and the majority of the councilmen supported it.

The Judenrat quickly stepped up its activity. Heavy funds were levied against the better-off inhabitants; councilmen went from door to door collecting gold and other valuables. They also called in representatives of the newcomers, demanding that they raise large sums among themselves to rescue the group as a whole. With a view towards lowering the danger, the Jews did not stint. Perhaps it might yet be possible to counteract the evil decree, they thought.

The delegates Nirler, Schoenberg, Zimmer and Lempert went to Tarnopol. There they met first with the Jewish “fixer,” who had connections with the Gestapo. He brought them up-to-date on the current situation. “Things are bad, “ he said. “There's an 'action' scheduled very soon in your town. But if you have the right proposal, try bringing it to Obersturmbannfuhrer Muller; you might be able to accomplish something.”

The delegation met with Muller. Upon hearing their proposal about establishing a sum for the next contingent, which the Jews would assemble through their own efforts, Obersturmbannfuhrer Muller; shouted: “Wha-a-t?” and then began to speak more calmly. “What makes you think, all of a sudden, that something is about to happen in your town? There is nothing currently scheduled for Skalat. Come back in a few weeks and we will talk about it. Now you can go home quite calmly and reassure your people. Why worry for nothing, when all is in the best order? Just don't worry.”

At previous meetings the Council had been used to receiving insults and whip lashings. This time Muller was like a lamb. “Our gift softened his heart,” one of them said, while the others struggled with

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sorrowful thoughts, full of doubt and confusion. Yet all of them wanted to believe in a good omen, regardless of logic. The delegates prepared to return. “What do we tell them at home, in the shtetl?” they asked themselves. “What have we actually accomplished?” Their ears still rang with Muller's words: All is in the best order. Just don't worry. Was that such a bad message for the shtetl? Such words could really calm distraught nerves and spirits!

During the twilight hours, when the delegation was expected back from Tarnopol, hundreds of Jews gathered on the road far out of town, impatiently awaiting the messengers who carried in their hands the fate of the shtetl. Due to particularly good news from the Russian front that day, the crowd was in an optimistic mood. Why always expect the worst, people thought, when the good might also come unexpectedly?

Coincidentally, some girl had dreamed that a group of Jews wearing prayer shawls was at services in the shul, and an old man, standing at the pulpit, blew the shofar ^[46] and informed the crowd that salvation would arrive on the 11th day of Heshvan - which was the next day! Perhaps salvation might begin today, starting with the good news that the delegation is about to bring.

“Jews, here come the delegates!” The long awaited moment had arrived. The horse drawn wagon came to a stop and hundreds of Jews surrounded the delegates. They listened to the report with bated breath and with joy. Triumphantly, the delegation quoted the very words of the Tarnopol Gestapo Chief: “Don't worry: nothing will happen in the town for the time being.” And to this the messengers added: “Calm down, now, Jews. Drive away your fears. Don't spread panic. As you can see for yourselves, we are doing everything for your sake. In return we ask only for your understanding and cooperation.”

At first, the good news assuaged distraught spirits. As evening came on, however, sobriety returned. Fear of the night brought back the gnawing unease. Guards were posted as before and people slept half-dressed, resting their weary bodies wherever they could. Most by now had become accustomed to such an oppressive life. Some terrified people would creep up to the windows of the councilmen's houses to determine whether they were at home. If so, that was the best sign that the night would probably be peaceful. If things looked really bad, they, the councilmen, would not spend the night in their own homes. Who else would know everything, if not the Judenrat?

Thus the overwhelming majority in Skalat went to bed that night in their own homes and with a feeling of greater security. Besides, it wasn't that simple finding shelter among the Gentiles time after time, or just wandering about all night long. In times of inordinate danger that might have been necessary, but not tonight, when the delegation had brought such good news. Some, however, hid this night too. Better safe than sorry. Self-preservation was the rule!

*****

Obersturmbannfuhrer Muller and his aides apparently understood that this would be the ideal night to conduct the 'action' in Skalat. They had given the delegation such fine-sounding assurances that the Jews there were sure to be passive. An unexpected attack would certainly be successful.

The orders went down: “Everyone must be ready to leave for Skalat at 2:00 AM..”

Footnotes:

28 prezes - Chairman. Return

29 Judenrat(s) -Jewish Council(s) (the main liaison between the Jews in the ghetto and the Germans) Return

30 ruble(s) - Monetary unit of Russian currency. Return

31 Ordinungsdienst - Jewish police (order keeping service). Return

32 Komrnandant - Commander. Return

33 Schupo (Schutzpolizei) - Security police (Germans). Return

34 “batyarnyes” - Derived from the Yiddish word batyar (hooligan) and referring to two coffee houses in Skalat. under the German occupation. L. Milch Return

35 Winterhilfswerk - Campaign to provide warm clothing for German troops inside Russia during the winter of 1941-1942. Return

36 “contingent” - A quota of the aged and sick, rounded-up for extermination in Belzec. L. Milch Return

37 Ausweisen - Work passes. Return

38 Tisha b'Av - Ninth day of the month of Av, traditionally a day of fasting, commemorating the destruction of the Temple. Return

39 Obersturmbannfuhrer (Muller) - Gestapo chief in Tarnopol. Return

40 khapers - Catchers. Return

41 Tzenereneh - “Let's Go and See” book of prayers written in Yiddish and read mostly by women. Return

42 zlotys - Monetary unit of Polish currency. Return

43 ganif - Thief (Shikale) - most adults in Skalat had nicknames based on physical or character traits. L. Milch Return

44 Judenrein - Cleansed of Jews. Return

45 “Feast Day” - Saint Anne's Feast was annually celebrated in Skalat with a big fair. L. Milch Return

46 shofar - Ram's horn: trumpet call used during the High Holidays and special occasions of national emergencies or celebrations. Return

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