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Because the 'action' of 9 November 1942 was more limited in scope than the earlier 'action,' claiming only 1, l00 victims, it came to be known as the “Little Action.”
Once again, unbelievable though it may now seem, there had been predictions of a miraculous salvation, over the previous two weeks. Mordechai Melamed, in a dream, saw his grandfather (peace to his soul) dressed in a festive white robe and wearing his talis [52] and tefillin. [53] His grandfather told him to prepare a celebration because on the 29th day of Heshvan, the Jews would be rescued! Salvation was at hand! Mordechai Melamed, a poor man all of his life, sold his last shirt, bought honey cake and liquor, had his wife prepare a Sabbath- kugel [54]and invited all the neighbors to share the bounty and the blessings. He was overjoyed to be the harbinger of the salvation that was to come soon.
But 29 Heshvan 5703 was the day of the “Little Action,” in which Mordechai Melamed and his family were among the victims. At dawn on 9 November 1942 the shtetl was surrounded by troops of the Tarnopol SS-men, under the command of Reinisch. They proceeded with their task in the manner now familiar from the earlier 'action.' Again they were joined in the 'action' by the Ukrainian militia and the Polish-Ukrainian Kripo, as well as the Jewish police. The Judenrat still had enough influence to be able to rescue some relatives and close friends.
The raids lasted until noon when Reinisch realized that the shul, again the collection-point for the victims, was jammed with more than the assigned quota of 1,000 Jews. He selected 100 young and strong looking victims and had them shipped to the Hluboczek Concentration Camp, from which none returned.
The SS troops, their Ukrainian collaborators and the Jewish police stood around the shul, awaiting further orders. At 12:30 five large trucks from the Otto Heil company drew up. The Germans and the Ukrainians lined a path, forming a gauntlet from the door of the synagogue to the trucks, through which Jewish police would lead groups of twenty victims at a time. On their way through this gauntlet, the victims were brutally beaten, especially the aged and the women, who could not climb quickly enough aboard the high tailgates. Such savage beatings were supposed to facilitate the cramming of one hundred people, like sardines, into each truck. Five trucks, fully packed with screaming and sobbing people, soon departed for Tarnopol. Two hours later the empty trucks returned for the remaining victims. At the Tarnopol railway station, all of the captives were ordered to sit in the snow and anyone who stood up or moved was shot. Many among them, shivering from the cold, were only half-dressed or still in their nightclothes.
On that same day, there were 'actions,' in Tarnopol itself, as well as in Zbaraz. Newly-caught victims were constantly being added to the crowd. Some 5,000 people had been brought to the railway station from all those places. Railroad cars were drawn up to load and take the Jews away. The assembly point was surrounded by SS-men, Schupo, Kripo and the Ukrainian auxiliary police -all gathered to herd the collected “cattle,” as they described their Jewish victims. Some “kindhearted” SS-men, who could not stand the sight of tiny children shivering in the cold or huddling on the ground, nor the sound of their crying, would grab the little creatures in one hand and shoot them. They then threw the bleeding corpse aside, like a slaughtered bird.
Soon the loading of the assembled human mass began. Some SS-men drove the crowd into the open freight cars while other SS-men selected able-bodied men from the crowd and held them aside, although many of those selected did not want to part from their families. Tragic scenes occurred: hesitations, tears and mournful farewells. German whips or bullets quickly put an end to such tenderness,
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cutting short their final leave-taking. Some young men left the assembly place of the “lucky ones” at the last moment and joined their families in the freight cars. Of the two hundred people who were picked, half were assigned to the concentration camp in Hluboczek, and the rest to Kazimirowka, near Zborow. Among those selected were a score of Jews from Skalat, in addition to the one hundred youths who had previously been selected in Skalat for the Hluboczek Camp.
The entire trainload, including the Skalat Jews, went directly from Tarnopol to Belzec, the infamous extermination camp. During the trip from Skalat to Tarnopol and then the train ride to Belzec, several dozen Jews managed to leap free, but only a few lived to return to Skalat.
On the day after the “Little Action,” just as after the “Wild Action,” people remained in their hiding places, afraid to come out. Dead bodies were scattered in several places, many of them children who had tried to jump from windows and were shot like birds in flight. The brutalities during this 'action' were much the same as those of the previous 'action,' only the tempo was faster, allowing completion by noon. Again, the members of the Judenrat were not touched. They lived in a separate block, which the Germans bypassed in exchange for substantial bribes. A large group of victims of the “Little Action,” about 25 percent, were children, a significant portion of the adult population having been taken earlier in the “Wild Action.” Most of the young people had already been shipped to the camps around Skalat.
Again the survivors in the shtetl were left dazed: many found themselves alone, having lost their families. These people now preferred to be in the camps where they hoped to survive longer, and began to volunteer for 'deportation'. The Judenrat took advantage of this, demanding high fees for the privilege of going to one camp or another. In addition, there was a rumor that the situation had improved in the Kamionka Camp where the Judenrat was said to have bribed Obersturmbannfuhrer Rebel to ease somewhat the torturing of Jews. They supposedly also negotiated with him to establish a camp in Skalat itself, so that they might remain in town in the event the ghetto was to be fully liquidated.
A German officer, one Hauptsturmfuhrer [55]Bischoff, arrived from Tarnopol to confiscate all the Jewish belongings left after the latest 'action.' Under his direction, Jews were ordered to gather all the furniture and household goods from the empty Jewish dwellings and bring them to the big warehouses, where they were sorted as before. A few days later it was all carried off to Tarnopol.
With great effort, and a large bribe of gold, the Judenrat succeeded in getting Obersturmbannfuhrer Rebel to establish the Skalat Camp (described later). His first orders were to establish within the camp a “demolition squad” in order to raze Jewish homes. The lumber and other building materials were to be gathered and made available to the Gentile population. They were to begin with the old Picynia section in the market square, to be followed by all the other Jewish dwellings which, after the 'actions' and slaughters, now stood empty. Peasants roamed through the Jewish ruins, digging deep into the cellars, in search of legendary Jewish treasures. The City Council obtained official permission from Ellenburg, the German town commissioner, to sell the salvaged building materials, from the demolished Jewish dwellings. The peasants were able to buy these at very low prices, paying from 100 to 200 zlotys per house. After making such a purchase, the peasants would methodically take apart the Jewish houses, carrying the materials back to their villages where they would use them for their own construction projects. The very center of the town was leveled and the appearance of Skalat was changed beyond recognition.
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Aryan Papers
When talk began to circulate about the complete liquidation of the ghetto and each day Jewish survival became ever more difficult and hopeless, people began to seek new ways to save themselves. They began to focus their attention on “Aryan Papers.”
If someone had a “good mug,” i.e., a face with non-Semitic features, one could begin to think about trying to pass as an Aryan. Such a possibility was out of the question in a small town where everyone knew everyone else. For that purpose, people traveled to distant cities where, for the most part, they registered as volunteer laborers to Germany. The roles that people were forced to play on the “Aryan” side demanded imagination and ingenuity. Jews were working as German officials and in private institutions. They disguised themselves as priests, beggars, chimney sweeps, city toughs and street cleaners. Women passed primarily as maids and nurses and young girls worked in hospitals, school dormitories and nunneries. Hundreds of nets were constantly being spread by agents, informers or extortionists in efforts to catch these “impostors,” and the number of victims turned over to the Germans by these criminals was very large. Nevertheless, a handful managed to pass the stringent ordeal. Someday these experiences will be remembered by weavers of Gothic tales, retelling their suspenseful stories.
In 1942, a dentist named Dr. Jan Slota settled in Skalat. He practiced there and developed a large circle of patients. Some time later, his wife bore a son. As was the custom, the baptism at the church was a major celebration. Eventually, an informant revealed that Dr. Slota was a Jew. His case was first referred to a medical commission, which confirmed that his documents were all in order. He even had a paper attesting that as a result of a venereal disease, he had been circumcised for medical reasons. This did not suffice, however. The suspect was sent to the Gestapo in Tarnopol for a more thorough investigation. He never returned.
His wife, realizing that they had been unmasked, quickly handed her infant over to a Polish woman, paying her a large sum to hide the child while she herself disappeared. Within a few days, the SS-men arrived from Tarnopol to arrest her. Unable to find her, they sealed the dwelling and, within a week, all the contents of the house were confiscated. The whole town buzzed with the tale of the audacious Jew. It was also resented by the Christian woman who was hiding the child. One day she bundled up the child and took it, herself, to the Security Police. “This is a Jewish child,” she said. “It was left with me by Dr Slota's wife before she ran away.” Security Policeman Paul, appreciating the noble act of the Christian woman, immediately rendered what he deemed a “just decision.” He seized the infant by its feet and swung its head against a tree. This barbaric act was apparently unexpected by the God-fearing woman, who began to withdraw quickly. “Come back!” the German called to her. “Take this away...I'm not an undertaker.”
The mother of the child wandered about for some time in Tarnopol, amid enemies and false friends, barely avoiding starvation. She only held on to the will to live for the sake of her child. When she learned that her child was no longer alive, she decided to end her own life by identifying and turning herself in to the Gestapo. “You killed my husband...you killed my child...now kill me too.” They obliged her.
There was another case in Skalat which caused an uproar. For some time a high German official named Beltzen had lived in town and was the agricultural inspector for the entire region. He had shown great ability in his work, had an outstanding reputation with the authorities, and was in close contact with the higher German civilian, police and military officials. He established a magnificent home and led the life of a prince in the former dwelling of Joel Bauer, one of the nicest Jewish houses in town. He rode to all the farms in a carriage drawn by splendid horses and gave orders to all his subordinates who trembled at his glance.
One day a peasant, who had served with him in the army, recognized Beltzen as a former Polish cavalry officer with the rank of Rotmistrz. Suspicions quickly arose that Beltzen might actually be a Jew,
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and a secret investigation was begun. When the Security Police arrived to take him to Tarnopol, he welcomed them with whiskey and wine, saying that the weather was cold and the trip back would be colder, so fortification was necessary. The Security Police were fortified and somewhat tipsy. Meanwhile Beltzen harnessed the horses, donned an SS-man's uniform, took his eleven year old son, and fled. They searched for him all over, even posted “Wanted” bulletins - but they never caught him. Beltzen (or rather Benzel, which was his real name) at the time of this writing lives in the British Zone of Germany.
The German agricultural land commissioner, Hefner, had on his farm in Nowosiolka. a hired hand and the man's son of about seventeen. The farmhand, who was actually a Jew from the Stanislawow area, passed as a Gentile and worked on the farm for some time as a coachman. His work was quite satisfactory.In fact, he was considered to be an exemplary worker who specialized in raising pigs. One day, the peasants noticed that the driver's feet were too pale. They reasoned that a real peasant's feet weren't that pale, therefore he couldn't be a real peasant. Despite those suspicions, however, the peasants did not inform on him. When the Germans started to unmask “suspect Aryans,” the Jew began to fear discovery of himself and his son. They both disappeared and no one knows to this day what happened to them.
The former Wagner company in Skalat had long employed a young man from Lwow named Rubel, who was in charge of purchasing clover for the entire region. His real name was Polak. He had converted some years before and was married to a Ukrainian woman. When the Ukrainian police came to arrest him, he fled, but then in his panic, climbed up a tree from which the police shot him down.
A young Jew, apparently from the town of Brody, worked as a bookkeeper in the Skalat division of the MTS shop.[56] He went under the name of Nabodny. The Security Police learned that he was a Jew, but he was lucky. When they came to arrest him, he was away on a business trip. The manager, Federovitch, informed him of the danger and so he escaped certain death. Nothing further is known of his fate.
For a while, the major activity in town among the Jews seemed to revolve around securing “Aryan Papers.” Meyer Grinfeld, about whom more will be told later, was very involved in securing such papers. Here is his testimony:
“When the 'actions,' intensified, it became clear that no one would be saved from death. I then began to think about ways to secure “Aryan Papers” for my wife and for others. Recalling that the files in the Town Hall contained the documents of emigres, I planned ways to get at those documents. I tried to establish contact with various officials, but none of them was bold enough for the task.
Time was growing short, so I decided to get to the files myself. Once inside the Town Hall, I located the documents and it occurred to me then and there that I could provide these papers to others, as well. I packed up original birth certificates, passes, citizenship certificates, etc., and I soon had a package weighing some 20 kilos (44 pounds), which I carried to the window, where I had left a ladder leaning against the building. I peeked out of the window and saw that the ladder was gone! Someone must have spotted it and taken it away.
I cannot describe the terror I felt, but I didn't dwell long on dark thoughts. I tried desperately to find an escape. until suddenly I realized that the guard (who lived near the town prefecture) had gone home. I waited half an hour more, then dropped the package out of the first story window and jumped after it. Fortunately I jumped well.
With the help of Yizkhak Bekman, a draftsman and engraver, we copied various official stamps, removed old photos from the documents, replaced them with new ones, and applied the proper stamps. In that way we set up a factory for false papers. During the
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course of three months we created papers for over five hundred Jews. They came from Tarnopol,. Czortkow and even from Lwow. They came from all over eastern Poland. With the large volume of work I found it necessary to return to the Town Hall a few more times. Every document required tax stamps from the town government, for which I paid the town official, Czapkowski, 250 zlotys each. For my part, I accepted from 500 to 1,000 zlotys for a complete set of papers, although in many cases I gave them away free. There were even cases where I bore the travel expenses, too.
A typical story involved a man named Kowlentz, who came from Katowice, had been living in Skalat and wound up in camp. Kowlentz had managed to escape from camp and make his way to Warsaw. I was asked by Monias to make a pre-war Polish identity document for Kowlentz. He didn't ask for any other documents. Kowlentz needed the document when it was decreed in Poland that every Aryan Polish citizen must carry a “Kennkarte” (identity card), which he now had to obtain. When it came to filling out the forms, and lacking a birth certificate, he made up the first names of his parents on the spot: Joseph and Maria (since pre-war Polish identity documents did not list one's parents' first names). He now sent word to me that he needed a birth certificate with the indicated names shown as father and mother. While waiting, he worried about not getting the certificate and feared that I might be dead or at best that there simply wouldn't be a certificate available with the required names. How great, then, was his joy when he received the birth certificate from me and there, in black and white, were the names of his parents –
Father: Joseph. Mother: Maria. What a miracle!”
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