Global public Square. Henry Kissinger (former U. S. Secretary of state)

Interview for CNN's 'Fareed Zakaria GPS' (CNN - Sunday, June 8, 2008)

ZAKARIA: Henry Kissinger is certainly the most famous, probably the most controversial, and possibly the most influential secretary of state in recent American history. He brought President Nixon to Beijing, opening up relations with what most people then called "Red China." The Nobel Prize winner talked with America's adversaries overseas, even while he made some enemies at home over the war in Vietnam. Kissinger engineered detente, and that took a lot of the frost out of the Cold War with the Soviet Union.

1. What do you think is the most important skill that a president is going to need? What could throw them off course? What advice would you give them, no matter who were elected?

HENRY KISSINGER: They should ask themselves what kind of a world they want -- in detail -- at the end of four years, and not in slogans or in general objectives, but what is it that they can hope for. Because the art of statesmanship is to find a position between stagnation and over-extension -- hopefully, at the outer limit of what is possible. But it cannot be done if you let yourself be driven by a series of tactical decisions without some perception of what you are trying to bring about.

2. Do you think that fundamentally the United States and Russia could have a significantly greater strategic cooperation than they do now?

KISSINGER: Well, I think Russia has gone through a tremendous upheaval in the last 20 years. I believe that Russia and we have a number of common interests. Between us we have 95 percent of the world's nuclear stockpiles. So, if the nuclear issue is going to brought under some negotiated control, Russia must be a part of it.

Then, Russia has a long frontier with Islam, Iran, China, and Europe. So, they have to be an integral component of any negotiation.But I believe that, with some patience and some understanding on both sides, that Russia should be a component of the international system. And I do not think we should apply to Russia the principles of the Cold War unless they absolutely provoke us, which they haven't done.

3. What does Russia believe it has to gain from a partnership with the U.S.?

First of all, security. Secondly, prestige. Thirdly, economic cooperation on global issues. Russia touches Asia, the Middle East and Europe. And it has no natural allies anywhere. It has no tradition of willing allies where it had no soldiers. Historically, it identified its greatness with an expansionist foreign policy. Now the imperialist aspect of Russian policy has ended the cold war. They no longer have the resources to do it. That requires a new Russian policy but also some time to develop it and get used to it.

4. How will historians assess Putin's presidency and his significance?

For Americans it's hard to get into the Russian psyche. If you take the great Russian reformers, like Peter the Great or Catherine the Great, they were very autocratic at home and yet progressive by contemporary Western standards. Catherine the Great had close relations with the philosophers. Peter the Great lived in Europe for a year and constantly sent missions to Europe. Yet internally they thought Russia had to be organized so that the maximum abilities of the society could be concentrated on the state. If you look at Putin in this context, he thinks he is a reformer. He probably will be considered a seminal figure in his country's history, but he is not a democrat.

5. So, you are not in favor of kicking Russia out of the G8? And if you were to extend the G8, would you include China?

KISSINGER: You're determined to get me into trouble with an old friend. But I disagree with Senator McCain on that point. AndI would include China, India and probably Brazil. And I think it should be expanded.

6. But in a broader sense, what you are talking about is drawing these emerging powers into the global framework. Would it be better to try to create new lines?

KISSINGER: They are part of the global framework as a result of globalization. Many of the global -- there are many problems in the world today -- climate, environment, even the supply of energy -- that can only be dealt with on a global basis. And I don't think it is wise to isolate certain countries on the basis of political ideology, unless they challenge fundamental American national interests.

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