Voluntary Associations

We have noted that formal organizations are de­signed and structured in the interest of maxi­mum efficiency. While voluntary associations can be just as efficient (or inefficient) as formal orga­nizations, their focus is generally somewhat dif­ferent. Voluntary associations are organizations established on the basis of mutual interest, whose members volunteer or even pay to participate. The Girl Scouts of America, the American Jewish Congress, the Kiwanis Club, and the League of Women Voters are all considered voluntary asso­ciations.

The categories of "formal organization" and "voluntary association" are not mutually exclu­sive. Large voluntary associations such as the Lions Club and the Masons have structures simi­lar to those of profit-making corporations. At the same time, certain formal organizations, such as the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) and the Peace Corps, have philanthropic and educational goals usually found in voluntary asso­ciations. Interestingly, the Democratic party and the United Farm Workers union are considered examples of voluntary associations. In a sense, belonging to a political party or a union can be a condition of employment and not genuinely vol­untary; nevertheless, political parties and unions are usually included in discussions of voluntary associations.

Americans often take the existence of volun­tary associations for granted without realizing that the principle of freedom of association is not universally honored. In recent years, Polish workers were prevented from maintaining their union, Solidarity, because the Polish government feared the power that this voluntary association might have. The recognized right of people to combine for a common purpose has its roots in the formation of guilds of artisans as early as the tenth century. However, many religious minori­ties came to the United States largely because their European homelands would not tolerate groups that challenged dominant norms.

As seen in the quotation introducing this chap­ter, in the 1830s, the French writer Alexis de Tocqueville (1835) noted the tendency of Americans to create voluntary associations. This is still true today, as evidenced by a recent study that found 87 voluntary associations in a Nebraska town with fewer than 1400 residents (McPherson and Smith-Lovin, 1986:65).

Americans belong to such associations for a remarkable variety of reasons. Some join to share in activities, such as the members of the chamber music group described earlier in the chapter. For others, voluntary associations serve as a potent political force, and they may join national lobby­ing groups such as the American Civil Liberties Union, the Citizens Against Nuclear Power, or the National Right to Life Committee. Finally, many Americans join "self-help" groups to deal with personal problems that they cannot handle alone. Alcoholics Anonymous, founded in 1935, is one of the oldest of these groups; it has out­reach programs in virtually every American town. Clearly, there is no typical voluntary associ­ation. The size and complexity of such groups vary dramatically—from a neighborhood club with no rules and few members to a national or­ganization with a paid staff, professional fund­raisers, and tens of thousands of members. The most consistent predictor of partition is socioeconomic status—that is, a person's home, education, and occupation. Americans of her socioeconomic status are more likely to participate actively in such organizations. Partly, this reflects the cost of group memberships, which may exclude people with income from joining (Sills, 1968a:365- J. Williams et al., 1973). Effecting the occupational patterns of the society, voluntary associations in the United States are largely segregated by gender. Half of them are exclusively female, and one-fifth are all-male. The exclusively male associa­tions tend to be larger and more heterogeneous in terms of background of members. As noted membership in all-male associations holds more promise for making desirable busi­ness contacts than membership in all-female groups (McPherson and Smith-Lovin, 1986). Al­though participation varies across the American population, most people belong to at least one voluntary association, while about one-quarter maintain three or more mem­berships.

Sociologists have applied functionalist analysis to the study of voluntary associations. David Sills (1968a:373—376) has identified several key func­tions that these groups serve within American society. First, they mediate between individuals and government. Professional associations such as the American Medical Association mediate be­tween their members and government in such matters as licensing and legislation. Second, vol­untary associations give people training in orga­nizational skills that is invaluable for future of­ficeholders—and for better performance within most jobs. Third, organizations such as the Na­tional Association for the Advancement of Col­ored People (NAACP) and the National Women's Political Caucus help to bring traditionally disadvantaged and unrepresented groups into the po­litical mainstream. Finally, voluntary associations assist in governing. During the influx of Indochinese and Cuban refugees in the late 1970s and early 1980s, religious and charitable groups became deeply involved in helping the federal government resettle refugees.

Curiously, although membership in voluntary associations is high, there tends to be a great deal of turnover. People seem to join groups and then drop them quite frequently. This reflects the fact that a decision to enter a voluntary association typically involves only limited personal objectives. For example, a person may join a health club to lose 10 pounds—or to meet new people in a re­laxed atmosphere. If the goal was to lose weight, the person may stop going to the club once the weight has been lost—or may get tired of exercis­ing and dieting. If the goal was more social, the person may quit once he or she finds a new group of friends or concludes that it would be best to look elsewhere.

Most Americans continue to maintain at least one continuous membership in a voluntary asso­ciation—even though the majority add and drop affiliations rather quickly (Babchuk and Booth, 1969). As de Tocqueville wrote, Americans are "forever forming associations."

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